Cari corrispondenti, scusandomi con tutti voi, inserisco nel blog un pezzo in inglese, perchè è in tale lingua che ho pronunciato questo intervento a Belgrado, in occasione del Forum di Belgrado nel decimo anniversario dell'aggressione Nato e dalemiana alla Serbia, coronamento di 8 anni di complotti, attacchi per interposti fantocci e umanitaristi, atrocità, bombardamenti e gigantesche menzogne che dovevano portare alla frantumazione e al depotenziamento politico di un grande paese, leader dei non-allineati, barriera alla Nato e al capitalismo selvaggio, la Jugoslavia.
Visto che siamo in tema di atrocità e menzogne, superata la nausea con la quale abbiamo contemplato l'uscita dalla sala della conferenza ONU sul razzismo, sotto uno sfolgorio di ipocrisia, di alcuni bonzi europei, ci siamo ampiamente rinfrancati alla vista che la vera comunità internazionale, quella dei quattro quinti dell'umanità, è rimasta, ha applaudito le incontestabili parole del presidente iraniano (del quale comunque mi fido poco) sui crimini e sul plateale razzismo dei sionisti israeliani. I quali, al solito, hanno minacciato sfracelli urbi et orbi (e sa il cielo quanto ne sono capaci) e si sono poi nascosti dietro l'ormai consunto velo della Shoah, a insulto di tutti coloro che nella Shoah perirono. Non c'è che dire, gli eredi della Shoah sono riusciti a diventare l'epitome di tutte le nefandezze che l'Occidente ha inflitto per duemila anni al resto del mondo.
Tornando a bomba, lascio questo testo in inglese perchè preso giorno e notte dal completamento del videodocumentario "Araba Fenice, il tuo nome è Gaza" che deve essere pronto ai primi di maggio, ma anche come stimolo ai frustrati (?) che non lo capiscono perchè, in questo paese di analfabeti linguistici che, colonizzati senza conoscere il linguaggio del colonizzatore, si beano di inglesismi fichi, soprattutto a sinistra si capisca che senza l'inglese non si va lontani. Senza l'inglese è arduo capire l'imperialismo e soprattutto è impossibile capire chi, nel ventre del mostro, si batte contro l'imperialismo, spesso i migliori di noi. Certi svarioni che si fanno sulla scena internazionale, sarebbero evitati se si conoscesse l'inglese. O vogliamo restare provincia per sempre? Forse il fatto che si è abbandonata la lotta contro la Nato, inesorabilmente madre di tutte le lotte, ha a che fare con tutto questo.
Belgrado
Mr. Chairman, Ladies, Gentlemen,
Let me express my thankfulness for having been invited to this historical event, together with the joy to find myself among people who have never relinquished their commitment to Serbia’s freedom and sovereignty and their struggle against the powers of imperialism in the name of human kind.
And let me remember my first encounter with the conflict between truth and fraud regarding the events in the Balkans from 1991 onwards. On 24th March 1999, as a special correspondent in Italy’s State Television, Rai Channel 3, our editors explained to us the Nato aggression on Serbia and the bombing of Belgrade as a “humanitarian intervention” that we journalists were called to support. This incredible, unethical order was to be the last word I heard from my editor-in-chief. On that very day I left RAI TV for ever, got myself a camera and travelled by bus to Belgrade so see for myself. It became one of my professional experiences that emphasized to what degree the world’s media had tuned in with the fraudulent weapon of Nato, US and imperialist propaganda. Everything that was published in the West turned out to be defamation, distortion, lie, from the alleged “ethnical cleansing” in Kosovo, which was suffered by the Serb and other minorities rather than by the Albanians, to Milosevic’s “dictatorship”, or Serbian “Nationalism”.
From that moment, on I committed my professional and political efforts to rectify what had been told to an intoxicated public opinion, realising a series of video documentaries on events between 1999 and 2001, on Nato atrocities, the formidable reconstruction in 2000, the coup d’etat by Nato ant its quislings in 2001. At the same time I worked as a special correspondent in Yugoslavia for “Liberazione”, the Refounded Communist Party’s daily.
And in this capacity I was able to assess to what degree even the allegedly antimperialist Left in Italy and in Europe had been subjugated by the aggressor’s deceitful propaganda, Though deploring the “excesses” of the war, the bombing of houses, hospitals, schools, trains, industrial establishments, carried out with the obvious intention of polluting Serbia’s soil, air and water and poisoning its people, It accepted the false reasons of the socalled “humanitarian intervention”, thus depriving large masses of the instruments and arguments for solidarising with Serbia and its leadership. A sign of the more general political, cultural and ideological decadence and weakening of the Left in Europe. With a few other well-informed colleagues and friends, I tried to oppose this wave of deception by writing articles and books, showing my videos around Italy and Europe, holding conferences.
When the Cia-instructed gang of Otpor worked to destabilize the Serbian government and open it up to imperialist domination, I witnessed in Belgrade the entire operation and reported it back to my newspaper. My articles, though, were not published and upon my return to Rome I was informed that they had been thrown in the dustbin for being “too pro-Serbian and pro-Milosevic”. The editor of “Liberazione” went as far as calling the Otpor provocateurs and saboteurs a “Serbian expression of the no-global movement” and inviting it to the gatherings of this movement. I witnessed President Milosevic’s arrest and subsequent delivery to the enemies of his people and to the cangaroo-court in The Hague. I cherish the moving memory and the privilege of having been the last journalist to interview the president before the traitors threw him into prison. I had seen how the Otpor mob had burned the ballots that had given victory to the Serbian left-wing parties. I honestly reported this back to my newspaper, but, again, I wasn’t believed and my work was thrown away. To that extent had so-called anticapitalist and anti-Nato leaderships submitted their independence of thought and their honesty to the enemy. On the day of the coup d’etat, “Liberazione” titled its first page “Belgrade laughs” and the other, more authoritative daily, “il manifesto”, wrote over its entire first page “Belgrade’s spring”.
As a journalist who had witnessed all the relevant events and was aware of the enormous distortions and lies that were inflicted on the general public, I committed myself to oppose with all my professional forces the indecency of those who should have known and acted better. This activity, together with my position as vice-chairman of the Committee for the Defence of Slobodan Milosevic and as member of the Belgrade Forum, produced considerable changes in large sectors of public opinion, but also the final breaking of my relationship with Italy’s organised Left and its media. Our job, mine and that of few other honest fighters for truth and justice, also through the constant denounciation of the ransacking of Serbia by foreign economic forces and their local collaborators, as well as of the criminal treatment of president Milosevic on the part of the Hague cangaroo court (headed by Carla del Ponte, a shameless traitor to all principles of legality and justice), was not an easy job. It was used by pro-imperialists and the pseudo-left to demonize our efforts, together with their objects. Some groups, especially in Turin, Trieste and Bari, were very active in resisting those aggressions and provided material solidarity to the needy in Serbia, as well as a valid contribution to the clarification of events, a fundamental commitment. Italy could have done better, had it not been for the opportunism of the official Left, the passivity of the majority of the large Serbian diaspora in this country and the ineffectiveness of certain pro-Yugoslavia groups, whose opportunistic leadership preferred to abstain from controversial issues, such as the defence of president Milosevic and other items relating to major media distortions, and insisted rather on continuous historical exacavations concerning the distant past of the fascist occupation in the Balkans. This may have provided useful insights into precedents of Nato’s and Italy’s aggression, but did non affect the much more urgent struggle for rectification of present-day disinformation on Serbia and for solidarity with all those that the West has successfully criminalised in Serbia and in the Srbska republic.
The crimes successively committed by the US and its allies in Nato, unleashed by the extremely dubious excuse of the 9/11 terror attacks, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, the atrocities continuously inflicted by the Zionist expansionist regime on its Palestinian victims, the general fascistisation process in the Western countries through impoverishment and repression of the weak and poor at the hands of the rich and powerful, have been an eye-opener for many. The “infinite war against terrorism”, the invention of the “clash of civilisations” by the extreme-right USraeli warmongers in order to submit the world to their oppression, devastation and exploitation, has provided definite proof of what the attack on Yugoslavia, starting with the secessions of the early nineties,
was to introduce. After the experience of socialism, i.e. an alternative and much better way of organising societies under the principles of just distribution of wealth and of solidarity and peace, and after the victorious liberation struggle by many nations that had been colonised, the imperialist powers were trying, starting with the first Gulf war and than with Somalia and the Balkans, to regain what socialism and those struggles had taken from them.
But times have changed. The unbreakable resistance of peoples like the Palestinian, Afghan and Iraqi, the beginning of social revolts in the crisis-ridden capitalist countries, the resurgence of an independent and dignified Russia, aware of its role in the world and a close ally of the Serbian people, and particularly the great, revolutionary changes in Latin America, from Cuba to Venezuela, from Bolivia to Ecuador and other countries, seem to usher in a new epoch in history, marked by the decline of imperialism. Under the cloak of the “clash of civilisations” and the “war on terror”, which tried to pit the “superior” West against Islamic peoples and the rest of the world’s South, just as happened in past centuries with the claim of civilising so-called “savages” and “primitives”, appears the reality of the eternal aggression of the privileged élite against those that are to subjugated and robbed or, simply, those that are in the way, refuse to obey and defend their rights. Exactly like Serbia did providing a shining example to all.
On the occasion of the Belgrade Forum on the tenth anniversary of Nato’aggression, we in Italy who have experienced the truth, as citizens of a country that was decisive in the destruction of Yugoslavia and Serbia, consider it our fundamental duty to for ever support the Serbian people’s struggle to recuperate its genuine sovereignty, its social justice, its freedom, the territories it was deprived of, its historical role among the world’s peoples that reject war, unless it be for liberation. This means a common struggle against Nato, as the expression of an international community whose character is criminal and life-denying. We owe this to ourselves, to the truth, but above all, in my personal feeling, to those that, defying demonization and lies, committed themselves to the defence of the Serbs, in Kosovo, Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia proper. Primarily to Slobodan Milosevic who to the last moments of a life of honour, dignity and courage, stood up against his killers.
Let me express my thankfulness for having been invited to this historical event, together with the joy to find myself among people who have never relinquished their commitment to Serbia’s freedom and sovereignty and their struggle against the powers of imperialism in the name of human kind.
And let me remember my first encounter with the conflict between truth and fraud regarding the events in the Balkans from 1991 onwards. On 24th March 1999, as a special correspondent in Italy’s State Television, Rai Channel 3, our editors explained to us the Nato aggression on Serbia and the bombing of Belgrade as a “humanitarian intervention” that we journalists were called to support. This incredible, unethical order was to be the last word I heard from my editor-in-chief. On that very day I left RAI TV for ever, got myself a camera and travelled by bus to Belgrade so see for myself. It became one of my professional experiences that emphasized to what degree the world’s media had tuned in with the fraudulent weapon of Nato, US and imperialist propaganda. Everything that was published in the West turned out to be defamation, distortion, lie, from the alleged “ethnical cleansing” in Kosovo, which was suffered by the Serb and other minorities rather than by the Albanians, to Milosevic’s “dictatorship”, or Serbian “Nationalism”.
From that moment, on I committed my professional and political efforts to rectify what had been told to an intoxicated public opinion, realising a series of video documentaries on events between 1999 and 2001, on Nato atrocities, the formidable reconstruction in 2000, the coup d’etat by Nato ant its quislings in 2001. At the same time I worked as a special correspondent in Yugoslavia for “Liberazione”, the Refounded Communist Party’s daily.
And in this capacity I was able to assess to what degree even the allegedly antimperialist Left in Italy and in Europe had been subjugated by the aggressor’s deceitful propaganda, Though deploring the “excesses” of the war, the bombing of houses, hospitals, schools, trains, industrial establishments, carried out with the obvious intention of polluting Serbia’s soil, air and water and poisoning its people, It accepted the false reasons of the socalled “humanitarian intervention”, thus depriving large masses of the instruments and arguments for solidarising with Serbia and its leadership. A sign of the more general political, cultural and ideological decadence and weakening of the Left in Europe. With a few other well-informed colleagues and friends, I tried to oppose this wave of deception by writing articles and books, showing my videos around Italy and Europe, holding conferences.
When the Cia-instructed gang of Otpor worked to destabilize the Serbian government and open it up to imperialist domination, I witnessed in Belgrade the entire operation and reported it back to my newspaper. My articles, though, were not published and upon my return to Rome I was informed that they had been thrown in the dustbin for being “too pro-Serbian and pro-Milosevic”. The editor of “Liberazione” went as far as calling the Otpor provocateurs and saboteurs a “Serbian expression of the no-global movement” and inviting it to the gatherings of this movement. I witnessed President Milosevic’s arrest and subsequent delivery to the enemies of his people and to the cangaroo-court in The Hague. I cherish the moving memory and the privilege of having been the last journalist to interview the president before the traitors threw him into prison. I had seen how the Otpor mob had burned the ballots that had given victory to the Serbian left-wing parties. I honestly reported this back to my newspaper, but, again, I wasn’t believed and my work was thrown away. To that extent had so-called anticapitalist and anti-Nato leaderships submitted their independence of thought and their honesty to the enemy. On the day of the coup d’etat, “Liberazione” titled its first page “Belgrade laughs” and the other, more authoritative daily, “il manifesto”, wrote over its entire first page “Belgrade’s spring”.
As a journalist who had witnessed all the relevant events and was aware of the enormous distortions and lies that were inflicted on the general public, I committed myself to oppose with all my professional forces the indecency of those who should have known and acted better. This activity, together with my position as vice-chairman of the Committee for the Defence of Slobodan Milosevic and as member of the Belgrade Forum, produced considerable changes in large sectors of public opinion, but also the final breaking of my relationship with Italy’s organised Left and its media. Our job, mine and that of few other honest fighters for truth and justice, also through the constant denounciation of the ransacking of Serbia by foreign economic forces and their local collaborators, as well as of the criminal treatment of president Milosevic on the part of the Hague cangaroo court (headed by Carla del Ponte, a shameless traitor to all principles of legality and justice), was not an easy job. It was used by pro-imperialists and the pseudo-left to demonize our efforts, together with their objects. Some groups, especially in Turin, Trieste and Bari, were very active in resisting those aggressions and provided material solidarity to the needy in Serbia, as well as a valid contribution to the clarification of events, a fundamental commitment. Italy could have done better, had it not been for the opportunism of the official Left, the passivity of the majority of the large Serbian diaspora in this country and the ineffectiveness of certain pro-Yugoslavia groups, whose opportunistic leadership preferred to abstain from controversial issues, such as the defence of president Milosevic and other items relating to major media distortions, and insisted rather on continuous historical exacavations concerning the distant past of the fascist occupation in the Balkans. This may have provided useful insights into precedents of Nato’s and Italy’s aggression, but did non affect the much more urgent struggle for rectification of present-day disinformation on Serbia and for solidarity with all those that the West has successfully criminalised in Serbia and in the Srbska republic.
The crimes successively committed by the US and its allies in Nato, unleashed by the extremely dubious excuse of the 9/11 terror attacks, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, the atrocities continuously inflicted by the Zionist expansionist regime on its Palestinian victims, the general fascistisation process in the Western countries through impoverishment and repression of the weak and poor at the hands of the rich and powerful, have been an eye-opener for many. The “infinite war against terrorism”, the invention of the “clash of civilisations” by the extreme-right USraeli warmongers in order to submit the world to their oppression, devastation and exploitation, has provided definite proof of what the attack on Yugoslavia, starting with the secessions of the early nineties,
was to introduce. After the experience of socialism, i.e. an alternative and much better way of organising societies under the principles of just distribution of wealth and of solidarity and peace, and after the victorious liberation struggle by many nations that had been colonised, the imperialist powers were trying, starting with the first Gulf war and than with Somalia and the Balkans, to regain what socialism and those struggles had taken from them.
But times have changed. The unbreakable resistance of peoples like the Palestinian, Afghan and Iraqi, the beginning of social revolts in the crisis-ridden capitalist countries, the resurgence of an independent and dignified Russia, aware of its role in the world and a close ally of the Serbian people, and particularly the great, revolutionary changes in Latin America, from Cuba to Venezuela, from Bolivia to Ecuador and other countries, seem to usher in a new epoch in history, marked by the decline of imperialism. Under the cloak of the “clash of civilisations” and the “war on terror”, which tried to pit the “superior” West against Islamic peoples and the rest of the world’s South, just as happened in past centuries with the claim of civilising so-called “savages” and “primitives”, appears the reality of the eternal aggression of the privileged élite against those that are to subjugated and robbed or, simply, those that are in the way, refuse to obey and defend their rights. Exactly like Serbia did providing a shining example to all.
On the occasion of the Belgrade Forum on the tenth anniversary of Nato’aggression, we in Italy who have experienced the truth, as citizens of a country that was decisive in the destruction of Yugoslavia and Serbia, consider it our fundamental duty to for ever support the Serbian people’s struggle to recuperate its genuine sovereignty, its social justice, its freedom, the territories it was deprived of, its historical role among the world’s peoples that reject war, unless it be for liberation. This means a common struggle against Nato, as the expression of an international community whose character is criminal and life-denying. We owe this to ourselves, to the truth, but above all, in my personal feeling, to those that, defying demonization and lies, committed themselves to the defence of the Serbs, in Kosovo, Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia proper. Primarily to Slobodan Milosevic who to the last moments of a life of honour, dignity and courage, stood up against his killers.
Complimenti. Intervento politicamente scorretto, come purtroppo è sempre più raro vedere nei mezzi di comunicazione, vedi tv italiota, dove va di moda demonizzare Putin, Castro, Chávez, Morales, e chiunque è insubordinato allo "sceriffo del mondo", e per contro santificare Yushchenko, Saakashvili e tutta la feccia di colore arancione della "nuova(?) Europa", fedeli vassalli dello "sceriffo del mondo".
RispondiEliminaRoberto
ciao. il post mi e' piaciuto, soprattutto perche' ho letto cose sulla guerra in jugoslavia che non avevo mai letto da nessun'altra parte, sebbene sapessi dei crimini nato, della necessita' di "marcare il territorio" da parte degli usa, ecc.
RispondiEliminacosi' come so della funzione propagandistica dei media e delle distorsioni esercitate sui fatti praticamente in ogni angolo dle mondo.
e' la prima volta che pero' leggo una dichiarazione cosi' appassionata in difesa di milosevic. e posso ben credere che gli siano state attribuite colpe al di la' di quanto effettivamente accaduto, cosi' come credo facilmente che la caduta jugoslava sia stato un tassello per l'espansione ultracapitalista.
ma alla fine, senza nessuna intenzione polemica, chiedo allora quanto di quello che ho visto sul genocidio nei balcani sia vero, nella tua descrizione dei fatti, e quanto no, o a chi, o a cosa, attribuire srebrenica ecc.
grazie per l'ascolto.. e per scrivere questo blog :)